The gathering of Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping in Kyrgyzstan may look like another diplomatic meeting between Russia and China. But the bigger story unfolding in Bishkek is not simply about two powerful leaders strengthening their relationship.
It is about something much larger: who gets to shape the international system when countries increasingly refuse to choose between Washington, Beijing and Moscow?
Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and leaders from across Eurasia are gathering for the annual Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit as the group celebrates its 25th anniversary.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian is also attending, while Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is expected at the gathering despite Turkiye not being a full SCO member.
Together, the participants represent a huge portion of the world’s population, economic activity and strategic territory.
That gives this year’s summit significance far beyond Bishkek.
Xi and Putin Want a More Multipolar World
For Beijing and Moscow, the SCO has become a useful platform for promoting an international system in which Western countriesโand particularly the United Statesโexercise less influence.
The organisation officially insists that it is not an alliance directed against other countries.
That distinction matters.
The SCO is not NATO, and its members do not share a NATO-style commitment to collectively defend one another.
Nevertheless, Xi and Putin have increasingly used gatherings such as the SCO summit to argue that global affairs should not be dominated by a single power center.
Their message is essentially about multipolarity: a world where several major powers and regional blocs influence international rules rather than one dominant geopolitical camp.
China’s Foreign Ministry says Xi will use the Bishkek summit to discuss deeper cooperation among SCO members as well as major international and regional issues.
But the summit arrives at a moment when that message carries considerably greater weight.
Global Crises Give the Summit New Importance
The leaders are not meeting in calm geopolitical circumstances.
The Russia-Ukraine war continues to reshape European security.
The conflict involving Iran, Israel and the United States has destabilized the Middle East and disrupted global energy and financial markets.
Meanwhile, tensions between Washington and Beijing continue over trade and broader strategic competition.
Against this backdrop, the SCO provides its members with something valuable: a diplomatic space outside institutions traditionally dominated by Western powers.
For Russia, that helps challenge the idea that Moscow has become internationally isolated because of the Ukraine war.
For China, it demonstrates Beijing’s ability to bring together major countries across Eurasia.
And for Iran, participation provides another channel for strengthening relationships with countries capable of reducing its economic and diplomatic dependence on Western markets.
But there is another country whose presence makes the summit particularly interesting.
India Complicates the Idea of an Anti-Western Bloc
If the SCO were simply a China-Russia alliance against Washington, India’s participation would be difficult to explain.
New Delhi maintains close historical relations with Moscow and continues to value access to Russia and Central Asia.
At the same time, India has developed an important strategic partnership with the United States and participates in the Quad alongside the US, Japan and Australia.
India also has longstanding disagreements with China, including disputes along their Himalayan border.
That means Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s presence should not automatically be interpreted as India joining a China-Russia geopolitical camp.
Instead, India’s approach reflects something increasingly important in international politics: strategic autonomy.
New Delhi wants the freedom to cooperate with Washington in one area, Moscow in another and Beijing when Indian interests make cooperation worthwhile.
Several other countries represented around the SCO table follow similarly flexible strategies.
That could ultimately become the organisation’s greatest strengthโor its biggest weakness.
The SCO’s Strength Is Also Its Problem
The SCO brings together countries with enormous populations, resources, militaries and economies.
Its members include China, Russia, India, Pakistan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Belarus.
But putting powerful countries around the same table does not automatically produce a unified geopolitical bloc.
India and Pakistan remain rivals.
India and China have their own history of border tensions.
Russia and China cooperate closely but also have overlapping interests in Central Asia.
Iran has different regional priorities from many other members.
Those contradictions mean the SCO cannot simply be described as an eastern equivalent of NATO or a unified anti-American coalition.
It may be better understood as a geopolitical meeting ground.
Countries that disagree on major issues can still cooperate where their interests overlap.
China Sees an Opportunity in Central Asia
For Beijing, Central Asia has become increasingly important.
The region sits at the crossroads connecting China, Russia, Europe, the Middle East and South Asia.
That geography makes it important for trade routes, energy supplies and infrastructure.
China has invested heavily in connectivity across Eurasia and wants to demonstrate that Beijing can provide economic opportunities while playing a larger diplomatic role.
Hosting and participating in institutions such as the SCO helps China reinforce that image.
Xi’s attendance in Bishkek therefore serves two purposes.
It strengthens China’s bilateral relationship with Kyrgyzstan and other regional states while simultaneously supporting Beijing’s broader argument that countries can build international institutions without relying primarily on Western leadership.
Russia Has Something Different to Prove
Putin enters the summit with another objective.
Russia wants to demonstrate that Western sanctions and diplomatic pressure have not isolated Moscow from the wider world.
A photograph of Putin sitting alongside the leaders of China, India, Iran and Central Asian states carries its own political message.
Russia still has partners.
But Moscow faces a delicate challenge.
China’s economic weight increasingly exceeds Russia’s, particularly across Central Asia. Moscow therefore needs Beijing while also having an interest in ensuring that the region does not become overwhelmingly dependent on China.
The relationship between Xi and Putin may be close, but that does not mean Russian and Chinese interests are identical.
Iran Adds Another Layer
Iran’s presence gives the summit additional significance.
Tehran became a full SCO member in 2023 and has developed important military links with Russia and energy ties with China.
President Pezeshkian is expected to meet Putin on the sidelines of the Bishkek gathering.
With Iran facing enormous geopolitical and economic pressure, organizations such as the SCO give Tehran access to major powers outside the Western diplomatic system.
That does not mean SCO membership can solve Iran’s problems.
It does, however, provide Tehran with relationships that could become increasingly valuable during periods of confrontation with Washington.
Economics May Matter as Much as Geopolitics
While headlines surrounding the summit naturally focus on Putin, Xi and geopolitical competition with the United States, economics may prove equally important.
The gathering comes as Washington continues to criticize China’s enormous trade surplus.
US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent recently described China’s roughly $1.2 trillion global trade surplus as unsustainable and argued that Beijing needs to rebalance its economy.
That dispute highlights another question facing SCO countries.
Can they develop stronger trade, financial and infrastructure relationships with one another?
If the organisation eventually creates deeper economic integration, its geopolitical influence could become considerably greater.
Without that practical cooperation, however, declarations about a multipolar world may remain largely symbolic.
The Real Test for the SCO Begins After the Summit
The most memorable image from Bishkek may ultimately be Xi, Putin, Modi and other leaders standing together for the traditional summit photograph.
But photographs are easy.
Building a functioning geopolitical coalition among countries with competing interests is much harder.
The SCO’s importance should therefore not be measured simply by how many leaders attend.
The bigger question is whether its members can turn their enormous collective size into sustained economic, diplomatic and security cooperation.
China wants to demonstrate that alternative centers of global leadership can exist.
Russia wants to show that it remains connected to powerful partners.
Iran wants stronger relationships beyond the West.
India wants strategic freedom without being absorbed into anyone else’s geopolitical camp.
Those objectives overlapโbut they are not the same.
And that may be the most important story coming out of Bishkek.
The SCO does not yet represent a unified alternative to the Western-led international system. Instead, it represents something potentially more characteristic of the emerging world order: powerful countries cooperating without necessarily becoming allies.
Whether that loose alignment eventually develops into something more cohesive may matter far more than any single Xi-Putin meeting.